Dawn and Sunset

Unit VI: Foreign Trade. Conclusion The footsteps of trade are difficult to trace; the archeological context is rather patchy and the written record is hardly reliable until mid-III millennium. We can assume that mutual trade interests existed in the Near East from the rise of early cities, that the curve of urbanization led to the emergence of permanent commercial contacts, and that the military leadership eventually managed to take the upper hand in the multi-cultural exchange. The evidence for this outcome includes the typical Mesopotamian pottery in a number of fishing villages on the Gulf shore, a set of Sumerian administrative tools in an Anatolian city, a local functionary at Uruk receiving taxes from overseas commerce, and the fabulous grave goods from foreign lands in the "royal" cemetery of Ur. These modest signs of trade don’t allow us to jump to conclusions toward the total volume of commerce. We can only assume that trade contacts were mutually profitable. The cross-cultural trade inevitably led to the emergence of numerous complex societies. Nevertheless, this process was neither straight-forward nor synchronic. On the initial stage, Sumer could not perform solo. The southern authorities created a network of urban settlements in foreign lands, which acted as middlemen responsible for acquiring sumptuous resources or raw materials in exchange for locally produced or imported goods. The "Sumerian expansion" flourished as a result of organized trade: accumulation of merchandise in central depots, its delivery to pre-arranged destinations, and well-calculated profit. On the other hand, foreign trade assisted the concentration of power as the Uruk elite took control of the labor pool, agricultural surpluses, manufactured items, uninterrupted flow of goods, and resources. The cross-cultural trade assumed the acquisition of prestigious foreign commodities and their transportation, whole and undamaged, to the metropolis. The state involvement was confined to protection of trade routes and striking diplomatic accords with foreign powers to ensure the free communication. Apart from economic proliferation, the diplomacy advanced reconnaissance in the anticipation of future wars. The early entrepreneurs of the organized trade were probably messengers sent to establish friendly relations with powerful chiefs. The hymn to the goddess Nanshe (20) testifies that those traders were sometimes crooked; it condemns those who play an unfair game faking weights and measures. Ancient Mesopotamian economies didn’t recognize "money" as either the universal substitute for commodities or as a conventional means of payment. Since there was no universal standard, different commodities functioned as the money equivalent, e.g. barley, copper, or silver. Toward the end of the Sumerian civilization, this role was often played by silver. Bartered goods were defined in terms of silver value and safely exchanged, though the precious metal itself rarely switched hands. "Ring money" resembled bedsprings or wire coils; it was weighted in silver shekels. Although the price cannot usually be enforced on trade partners, ancient Near Eastern law codes would supply recommended exchange rates of basic commodities. "The Laws of Eshnunna" confirm that one shekel (8 grams of silver) could alternatively buy 300 liters of barley, 40 liters of bitumen, 3 liters of oil or 3 kilograms of wool, 1.5 liters of lard or unrefined copper, or 1 kilogram of salt. In Ur III trade, one shekel of gold could purchase 10 silver shekels. (21) International trade had enriched the elite and fermented political ideas for the empire building. Civilizations had emerged along the ancient routes. New imperial capitals, such as Agade, would inevitably become major emporiums of Near Eastern commerce. "The Curse of Agade" testifies that the foreign exchange was under the patronage of the city's chief goddess, "holy Inanna opened the portals of its city-gates and made Sumer bring its own possessions upstream by boats. The highland Martu, people ignorant of agriculture, brought spirited cattle and kids for her. The Meluhans, the people of the black land, brought exotic wares up to her. Elam and Subir loaded themselves with goods for her as if they were packasses". (22) The demand was not universal at all times. Conch shells were a lucrative raw material collected along the coasts of the Indian Ocean but no further than the Gulf of Oman. They were imported into Mesopotamia for production of conch pouring vessels, which probably served for ritual libations. The peak of their making falls on two centuries, between the years 2600 and 2400. The market was so flexible that it accepted various imitations of the product made in carved stone, silver, and electrum. Though shell had not ceased to be delivered at later periods, its application was reoriented to glyptic arts, small sculpture, and jewelry. Moreover, toward the end of the millennium, seal cutters put an end to the use of shell shifting to harder materials. The prized item continued to be produced for cosmetic vessels. (23) The import of a luxury item could achieve such extent that it might switch to necessity. Though texts of the Early Dynastic period register individual shipments of copper up to 100 kilograms, contemporary annals five hundred years later refer to huge cargo ships being able to carry eighteen tons. (24) As a result, during the age of empires, copper became an industrial metal designed for production of tools, utensils, and weapons. Even farmers were no longer content with flint blades for their sickles demanding the copper ones instead. On the other hand, the red metal gave in to silver as a measure of value. In various Gulf ports, foreign sailors would caulk their vessels with Mesopotamian bitumen. Foreign trade was beneficial for all sides.